Showing posts with label Current Events. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Current Events. Show all posts

Monday, November 2, 2026

Word of the Month for June 2028: Panhandling

It usually starts with a simple question: “Can you spare a few dollars?” 

Harmless enough, or so it seems. 

But behind that little question is a surprisingly complicated constitutional tug-of-war involving free speech, public spaces, traffic, harassment, and the government's sometimes understandable desire to make uncomfortable things disappear. 

Panhandling has been regulated for centuries. The twist is that modern courts increasingly ask a different question: Is the government regulating the begging or the behavior that comes with it? That distinction turns out to be everything.

So, what is panhandling?  PANHANDLING is the act of asking another person for money, property, or something of value, ordinarily in a public place. 

The word is not itself a legal term with one nationwide definition. Different jurisdictions define it somewhat differently, but a common formulation is an in-person request for an immediate donation of money or something of value. 

A person holding a sign saying “Please help” may therefore be panhandling even without speaking; whether a particular ordinance covers that conduct depends on how the ordinance is written.

There is an important legal distinction, however, between the request itself and what the person does while making the request. Asking, “Could you spare five dollars?” is speech. Blocking someone's path, threatening them, touching them, stepping into traffic, or refusing to leave after being told to do so is conduct. 

Modern First Amendment law generally gives the government considerably more room to regulate the latter than the former.

A short history of panhandling

Begging is obviously much older than the United States. English poor laws, vagrancy laws, and local ordinances historically treated public begging as a social-order problem. Early American communities inherited much of that approach. Governments commonly regulated vagrancy, loitering, begging, and public solicitation together, often giving police substantial discretion to move people along.

The word “panhandler” itself is comparatively young.  The word “panhandler,” meaning someone who begs, dates to at least 1893, although the related term “panhandle” was being used in the sense of begging decades earlier.  The likely image is the extended arm or hand of someone asking for money. 

For most of American history, therefore, the legal question was not particularly complicated: Could the government prohibit begging in public? The answer was generally treated as yes.

The constitutional landscape began changing in the latter part of the twentieth century. Courts increasingly recognized that asking for money can carry a message: I am poor; I need help; this is what I need; please help me. Once begging was understood as communicative activity rather than merely undesirable conduct, the First Amendment entered the picture.

And that produced the modern rule:

The government generally cannot outlaw the message merely because the message is a request for money. It can, however, regulate the manner, place, and circumstances in which the request is made provided the regulation is actually constitutional.

That distinction explains most of the seemingly contradictory panhandling laws around the country. 

The legal progression

1. 1972-78:  Vague Alaska vagrancy & loitering laws.

In 1972 in Marks v. City of Anchorage, 500 P.2d 644 (Alaska 1972), the Alaska Supreme Court struck down an Anchorage disorderly-conduct ordinance as unconstitutionally vague, warning about laws that left too much discretion in the hands of police.  Six years later in Brown v. Municipality of Anchorage, 584 P.2d 35 (Alaska 1978), the court struck down another Anchorage loitering ordinance for essentially the same reason.  The cases weren't panhandling cases, but they reflected a growing judicial suspicion of laws that allowed police to decide, on the street and in real time, who was behaving suspiciously or unlawfully.

Why it matters: Marks and Brown weren't panhandling cases, but they helped establish an important principle: police may regulate harmful conduct, but they cannot be given unlimited discretion to decide which public behavior, or speech, is acceptable.
 

Although this wasn't a panhandler case, it is an important starting point. Schaumburg, Illinois, required charitable organizations soliciting contributions on streets or door-to-door to obtain permits and meet a requirement that at least 75% of the money collected be used directly for charitable purposes. Solicitation without a permit could result in a fine of up to $500 per offense.

The Supreme Court struck the ordinance down. The Court reasoned that charitable solicitation is not merely a financial transaction; it communicates information, ideas, and advocacy. The government may regulate solicitation, but it cannot impose restrictions that substantially interfere with protected expression without sufficient justification.

Why it matters: The Court established an important foundation: asking for money can itself be protected speech. 

3. 1993: Loper v. New York City Police Department, 999 F.2d 699 (2d Cir.).

Now we get to actual begging.

New York's Penal Law § 240.35(1) made it a crime to “loiter, remain or wander about in a public place for the purpose of begging.” The Second Circuit struck that provision down under the First Amendment.

The court recognized that begging frequently communicates more than the bare request for money. A person's words, gestures, appearance, and circumstances can communicate a message of poverty and need. The government could regulate abusive or disruptive behavior accompanying begging, but it could not simply criminalize being in a public place for the purpose of begging.

Interestingly, the New York legislature later repealed the specific begging provision. As of 2026, § 240.35 no longer contains the old “purpose of begging” subsection.

Why it matters: Loper is one of the cases that moved American law from “begging is conduct” toward “begging is speech.” 

4. 2014–2015: Thayer v. City of Worcester, 755 F.3d 60 (1st Cir. 2014), followed by the Supreme Court's Reed remand.

Massachusetts illustrates the next step: the government does not have to tolerate aggressive panhandling merely because ordinary panhandling is protected.

Worcester adopted an ordinance prohibiting aggressive begging and panhandling. It targeted conduct such as threatening someone, blocking passage, touching someone without consent, continuing after a negative response, and various forms of roadside solicitation.

The First Circuit initially upheld most of the ordinance at the preliminary-injunction stage. It did, however, single out the blanket prohibition on nighttime solicitation for separate treatment. The ordinance carried a fine of up to $50 per day or community service, and police could order a person to stop and could arrest the person for failing to comply.

Then came Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155 (2015), which made the constitutional analysis of content-based speech restrictions substantially more demanding. The Supreme Court vacated the First Circuit's judgment in Thayer and sent it back for reconsideration. The subsequent district-court proceedings ultimately found Worcester's nighttime ban unconstitutional.

Why it matters: There is a huge difference between:  “You may not ask people for money,” and  “You may not threaten, touch, block, intimidate, or interfere with people while asking them for money.”

The second category is much easier for a government to defend. 

2015: Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155 (2015).

Reed was not a panhandling case. It involved a church's signs. But it changed panhandling litigation because the Supreme Court emphasized that a law regulating speech because of what the speech says is content-based and presumptively subject to strict scrutiny.

That became enormously important because many anti-panhandling ordinances did something like this:

“You may talk to people, hold signs, and ask them questions but you may not ask them for money.”

That sounds content-neutral until you look at the words the ordinance actually regulates. The law is permitting ordinary conversation while singling out requests for money.

The Supreme Court said that a law does not escape strict scrutiny merely because the government has a perfectly reasonable motive. 

5. 2015: Norton v. City of Springfield, 806 F.3d 411 (7th Cir. 2015).

Illinois provided a textbook example of Reed's effect.

Springfield prohibited oral requests for immediate donations in its downtown historic district. But a person could hold up a sign asking for money, and a person could orally ask someone to send money later.

The Seventh Circuit initially upheld the ordinance. After Reed, however, the court reconsidered the case and reversed itself.

The problem was obvious: the ordinance distinguished speech based on what the speaker was asking for and when the requested money would be transferred. That made the law content-based. The court ordered an injunction against enforcement.

Springfield subsequently repealed the challenged panhandling ordinance in 2017.

Why it matters: This is where the modern doctrine becomes much clearer:  You cannot make “asking for money” the forbidden subject matter while allowing other speech. 

6. California: Penal Code § 647(c).

California demonstrates the other side of the equation. California Penal Code § 647(c) makes it a misdemeanor to accost another person in a public place for the purpose of begging or soliciting alms. The provision remains on the books.

But that does not mean California has carte blanche to arrest somebody merely because the person politely asks for money. The word accost and the statute's application have constitutional significance, particularly after the modern First Amendment cases.

California also separately criminalizes willfully and maliciously obstructing the free movement of another person on a street, sidewalk, or other public place. That offense is a misdemeanor.

That distinction is instructive:  “Give me money” raises a First Amendment problem.  “Move, or I'm going to block the sidewalk until you give me money” presents a very different constitutional case. 

7. Texas: Transportation Code § 552.007.

Texas takes a more location-and-safety-oriented approach. Section 552.007 prohibits a person from standing in a roadway to solicit a ride, contribution, employment, or business from someone in a vehicle, subject to an exception for authorized charitable solicitation.

The important point is that Texas is not saying:  “You cannot ask for money.”  It is saying, essentially:  “You cannot stand in a roadway and solicit motorists.”

That is a place and safety regulation, rather than a general prohibition on the message. A violation falling under the chapter's general penalty provision is punishable by a fine of $1 to $200 when no other penalty applies.

This is precisely the kind of distinction courts tend to examine closely: Is the government regulating the message, or is it regulating dangerous activity associated with the message? 

8. Virginia: Clatterbuck v. City of Charlottesville, 708 F.3d 549 (4th Cir. 2013).

Charlottesville, Virginia, adopted restrictions on solicitation in particular locations and prohibited solicitation in an “aggressive manner.” The ordinance defined aggressive conduct to include things such as unwanted physical contact, threatening or intimidating approaches, continuing after a negative response under specified circumstances, and intentionally blocking someone's passage.

The challenged ordinance classified violations as a Class 3 misdemeanor.

The Fourth Circuit's analysis is useful because it illustrates the constitutional middle ground: the fact that panhandling is protected does not prevent a city from addressing genuinely coercive conduct accompanying it. 

9. 2024: City of Grants Pass v. Johnson, 603 U.S. 506 (2024).

This case gets dragged into panhandling discussions constantly, even though it wasn't a panhandling case.

Grants Pass involved public camping and homelessness. The Supreme Court held that the Eighth Amendment does not categorically prohibit governments from enforcing generally applicable public-camping laws against homeless people. In doing so, the Court effectively rejected the Ninth Circuit's Martin v. City of Boise rule that had restricted enforcement when shelter beds were unavailable.

That matters here because people sometimes make this leap:  “The Supreme Court said cities can criminalize homelessness, so cities can criminalize panhandling.”

Uhhh, no.  And for the record, Grants Pass was principally an Eighth Amendment punishment case involving camping, not a decision eliminating First Amendment protection for begging or panhandling. 

10. 2025: Alabama: Section 13A-11-9 and the continuing fight over begging laws.

Alabama provides a particularly good modern example of the tension between old statutes and modern First Amendment doctrine. Alabama Code § 13A-11-9 historically made it a violation to loiter, remain, or wander about in a public place for the purpose of begging.

In 2025, under Singleton v. Secretary of the Alabama Law Enforcement Agency, No. 23-11163 (11th Cir. Apr. 8, 2025), the Eleventh Circuit affirmed an injunction against enforcement of Alabama's begging and pedestrian-solicitation statutes because, under controlling Eleventh Circuit precedent, begging is protected speech and Alabama's statutes broadly criminalized begging itself rather than merely dangerous conduct accompanying begging.

The interesting part is the history: Alabama's current begging provision dates to 1977, long before the modern line of First Amendment panhandling cases.

The case illustrates something that happens repeatedly in this area of law: a statute can sit on the books for decades and become constitutionally unenforceable after the constitutional law surrounding it changes. 

11. 2026: Scott v. City of Daytona Beach, Nos. 24-12662 & 24-12964 (11th Cir. June 25, 2026).

And this brings us essentially to the present.

In June 2026, the Eleventh Circuit decided Scott v. City of Daytona Beach. Daytona Beach's ordinance was extremely broad. It prohibited “aggressive panhandling” throughout the city and also prohibited ordinary panhandling in numerous locations—including near businesses, transit facilities, ATMs, parking facilities, restrooms, schools, intersections, and the boardwalk. The ordinance carried a maximum penalty of 60 days in jail, a $500 fine, or both.

The Eleventh Circuit held that panhandling is protected First Amendment speech and concluded that many of the ordinance's restrictions were content-based and failed strict scrutiny. The court enjoined enforcement of the challenged provisions and affirmed the basic proposition that panhandling falls within the First Amendment's protection.

That is a particularly important modern case because it demonstrates that Reed was not some theoretical 2015 decision that mattered only to church signs. Courts are still using its content-based-speech analysis to invalidate modern panhandling ordinances in 2026. 

So where does that leave the law?

The easiest way to understand modern panhandling law is to divide it into three boxes.

Box 1: The request itself

“Can you spare five dollars?”

“Please help me.”

“I'm homeless and need money for food.”

“Please donate.”

These are generally protected speech. The fact that the speaker is asking for money does not automatically remove First Amendment protection. Loper, Norton, and the modern Eleventh Circuit cases make that point particularly clear.

Box 2: Reasonable place, time, and manner restrictions

A government has substantially more room to regulate things such as:

  • standing in a roadway;
  • physically blocking a sidewalk;
  • obstructing traffic;
  • soliciting someone inside a particular restricted facility;
  • entering private property after being told to leave;
  • interfering with pedestrians;
  • creating an objectively dangerous traffic situation.

But the restriction still has to satisfy the First Amendment. Calling something a “time, place, and manner” regulation does not magically make it constitutional.

Box 3: Aggressive or coercive conduct

This is where governments have their strongest case.

A law aimed at:

  • threatening someone;
  • touching someone without consent;
  • blocking someone's movement;
  • following someone in a threatening manner;
  • demanding money after an unequivocal refusal;
  • stepping into traffic;
  • creating an actual safety hazard;

is regulating conduct associated with panhandling, rather than simply prohibiting the communicative request for money.

The upshot to all this is that the First Amendment may protect the request, but it doesn't come with a constitutional coupon book for sidewalks, traffic lanes, private property, or personal space. 

Governments can regulate genuinely dangerous, threatening, or obstructive conduct. What they generally cannot do is slap a “NO BEGGING” sign on speech simply because they don't like the message.

In other words, the Constitution may protect your right to ask for a dollar, but it doesn't promise you'll get one.

 

Monday, June 1, 2026

Word of the Month for June 2026: Exploitation

So, I was wandering through social media land the other day and I came upon a video where a stranger says hello to a child (young female) who is holding her mother's hand.

Mother asks, "do you know that man?" to which Child says no - I don't.  Mother looks back at stranger with a grimmace.

Later, another stranger wishies Child a happy birthday.  Child is confused and,...well, why don't you have a looksee at the video and see if it doesn't hit home with you?


Why this got my attention is what with all the talk about Jeffrey Epstein, I would think posting pictures of your kid(s) and other details of their lives online is just another form of child exploitation.  
Before we get any deeper into this, let's define what we're talking about as it relates to exploitation.  

EXPLOITATION is a form of abuse where an individual or group takes advantage of an imbalance of power to manipulate, coerce, or deceive a person into performing acts—or being used for acts—that benefit the exploiter, usually in exchange for something the person needs or wants, such as affection, money, or food.  This abuse is fundamentally about the power imbalance, meaning that even if a person appears to "consent" or initiates the interaction, they are still considered a victim.

The problem is that under U.S. law, parents generally control the legal rights of their minor children, including decisions about publicity and privacy.  That means a parent usually has authority to share photos of their child.

There is no general federal law prohibiting parents from posting pictures of their children on social media. Most laws instead regulate companies or explicit exploitation.

Two key federal laws show the focus:

So legally speaking, the system assumes parents are acting in the child’s best interests.  Even though posting photos is usually legal, it does becomes illegal in certain circumstances.  

A. Sexualized or exploitative images

If an image is sexualized or intended for exploitation, it can violate federal child-exploitation laws.

Relevant laws include:

  • Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act

  • Federal child pornography statutes

    Under 18 U.S.C. § 2251 (Sexual exploitation of children), a person commits a federal crime if they: employ, use, persuade, induce, entice, or coerce any minor to engage in… sexually explicit conduct for the purpose of producing any visual depiction of such conduct.

    18 U.S.C. § 2252  (Certain activities relating to material involving the sexual exploitation of minors) criminalizes knowingly transporting, receiving, distributing, possessing, visual depictions of minors engaged in sexually explicit conduct.

    18 U.S.C. § 2252A (Certain activities relating to material constituting or containing child pornography) criminalizes distribution, receipt, possession, access with intent to view child pornography using computers or interstate commerce (internet).

    18 U.S.C. § 2256  (Definitions for Chapter 110) Defines Explicit Conduct to include: 
    (i) sexual intercourse
    (ii) bestiality
    (iii) masturbation
    (iv) sadistic or masochistic abuse
    (v) lascivious exhibition of the genitals or pubic area.

    That last phrase is where courts apply the Dost test (under United States v. Dost, 636 F. Supp. 828 (S.D. Cal. 1986)).

  • State exploitation laws

    Every state has parallel statutes criminalizing sexual exploitation of minors.  Here are a few examples:

    Utah Code § 76-5b-201 (Sexual exploitation of a minor):  A person commits sexual exploitation of a minor if they: produce, possess, distribute, or view material depicting a minor engaged in sexually explicit conduct.  Utah treats this as a second-degree felony or higher. 

    Caifornia Penal Code § 311.4  (Use of a minor in producing obscene matter): Criminalizes employing or coercing a minor to participate in sexual conduct for visual material.

    Tex. Penal Code § 43.26  (Possession or Promotion of Child Pornography):  Criminalizes knowing possession or distribution of visual material depicting a minor engaged in sexual conduct.

    N.Y. Penal Law § 263.05  (Use of a Child in a Sexual Performance): Criminalizes employing or inducing a child to engage in sexual conduct for visual depiction.

Why these statutes matter for a social-media scenario is because in the vast majority of family-photo situations, these laws do not apply, because:

  • the images are not sexually explicit

  • child are not engaged in sexual conduct

  • there is no intent to create sexual material.

However, they can apply if someone posts images that meet the statutory definition of:

  • lascivious exhibition

  • sexual conduct

  • sexually explicit performance

even if the image originally came from a family setting.  Courts evaluate these situations on a case-by-case basis using the United States v. Dost, 636 F. Supp. 828 (S.D. Cal. 1986) factors.

B. Sharing private information

Posting identifiable details can create legal problems if it crosses into:

  • harassment

  • stalking

  • doxxing

  • publication of private facts

For example, revealing address, school location, or personal data could lead to civil liability in some circumstances. 

C. Commercial exploitation of children

This is the fastest-growing legal area.  “Family influencer” accounts sometimes earn large amounts of money from videos or photos featuring children.  Some states now regulate this.

Example:

  • Utah H.B. 322 (2025), codified primarily in Utah Code Title 34A (Labor in Private Employment)  
    • Requires parents earning significant income from monetized content featuring a child to set aside a portion of earnings in a trust for the child.
    • Allows a person who appeared in social-media content as a minor to request deletion or editing once they reach adulthood
  • Illionois 820 ILCS 205/1–22 (Illinois Child Labor Law amendments); enacted by SB 1782 (2023). 
    • Applies when a child appears in 30% or more of monetized online content.
    • Requires a percentage of earnings to be placed in a trust account for the child.
    • Allows children to sue parents for unpaid compensation after reaching adulthood.  
  • Minnesota H.F. 3488 (2024) amending state child labor statutes.
    • Requires compensation and trust accounts for minors appearing in monetized social-media content.
    • Children under 14 cannot appear in certain monetized content work.
    • Grants the right to request removal of content later in life.  
  • Arkansas. Code Ann. § 11-6-101 et seq. (amended by Act 396 of 2023).
    • Expands child labor laws to include minors appearing in monetized digital content.
    • Requires recordkeeping and compensation protections similar to child-performer laws.
  • Montana Code Ann. Title 41 (Child Labor).
    • Requires earnings derived from minors appearing in monetized content to be preserved in trust accounts.
    • Provides financial protections modeled after child-actor statutes.

For point of reference, the Coogan law is named after child actor:  Jackie Coogan.  He was a famous child star in the 1920s who appeared in the film The Kid (1921) with Charlie Chaplin.

Coogan earned millions as a child actor, but when he became an adult he discovered that his parents had spent nearly all of his earnings.  He sued his mother and stepfather in 1938.  The public outrage from that case led California to enact a series of statutes protecting child performers' earnings.

In recent years, a new concept called “Sharenting” has sprung up.  Sharenting (referring to a blend of "sharing" and "parenting") is the practice of parents regularly posting photos, videos, or detailed personal information about their children on social media and internet platforms.  

Sharenting is a widespread phenomenon driven by pride, community, and documenting milestones, but it raises significant concerns regarding child privacy, safety, and long-term digital footprints. 

A few legal issues that arise from Sharenting include: 

  • Children cannot consent to a permanent digital record 
  • Predators may collect images 
  • Identity theft risks 
  • Reputational harm later in life

A related phenomenon called Digital Kidnapping has also arisen where strangers take a child’s photos and pretend the child is theirs online.

The core legal problem is this:  Parents have a constitutional right to raise their children, and courts are reluctant to interfere with ordinary parenting decisions.  To criminalize ordinary photo sharing, a government would have to overcome:
  • First Amendment speech issues
  • Parental rights doctrine
  • Enforcement problems

So lawmakers usually regulate extreme cases, not normal family behavior.

OK, that's all well and all but where might the law go in the future? As it turns out, there is a growing movement to treat children’s online exposure more like child labor in entertainment.
  • Possible future regulations being discussed include:
  • Digital consent rights for children
  • Limits on monetized family content
  • Mandatory earnings trusts (like child actors)
  • A child's right to erase online childhood content

Some European countries have already recognizing stronger “child digital privacy” rights.

I guess what all this boils down to is parents really need to get a grip and know that while they say they are looking out for their kids, 'rents need to realize that EVERYTHING they post online is seen by everyone.

NOTE: that's EVERYONE as in not just the intended audience (friends and family), but potentially any person or system that can access, copy, intercept, store, or redistribute the image at any stage of its existence on the internet. 

So, how all this works is: once a photograph is uploaded to a social media platform such as Facebook, X, or Instagram, it becomes accessible to the platform itself, meaning employees, automated moderation systems, content-analysis algorithms, and internal data-processing tools that scan images for policy enforcement, advertising signals, or machine-learning training. 

From there, access may extend to the people the parent intentionally shares it with, but also to anyone those recipients show, screenshot, download, forward, repost, or otherwise distribute the image to, whether deliberately or casually. 

Even when privacy settings limit viewing to a smaller group, any member of that group can duplicate the image instantly and send it outside the platform through email, messaging apps, cloud storage, or other social networks, effectively dissolving the original privacy boundary.

Beyond the human viewers, “EVERYONE” can also include the technical infrastructure that touches the file. The image may pass through servers, backup systems, content-delivery networks, and caching layers that store copies for speed and reliability. 

Those systems may be operated not only by the original platform but also by third-party vendors providing cloud hosting, security scanning, or analytics services. In addition, automated web crawlers, scraping tools, or malicious actors may obtain copies if the content becomes accessible beyond a strict private setting, and once a single copy leaves the original environment it can propagate indefinitely across forums, databases, or file-sharing networks without the knowledge of the original poster. 

In the most expansive interpretation, “EVERYONE” could encompass the platform company and its employees, contractors and cloud providers, the intended viewers and anyone they share the image with, unknown third parties who acquire copies through technical or social means, automated systems that index or analyze the image, and any future recipient who encounters the file long after the parent believed it remained within a limited circle. 

So, to summarize, when you post your child's photograph online so that "EVERYONE" see it, (in this case "EVERYONE" means that the potential audience is not merely a list of friends but an open-ended chain of humans and machines capable of accessing or redistributing the data once it enters the networked environment.

Paranoid yet?

So when next you go to post something about your darling younglings on social media, I hope you keep all this in mind and resist the urge to post those cutsey birthday pictures or baby's first bath or your daughter's first kiss.

Yeah, maybe keep those memories close(r) to the vest. 

 

 

Monday, May 4, 2026

Word of the Month for May 2026: Grievance Mentality v. Victim Mentality

You know, sometimes when I write these blogs, the research gets deeper and deeper - like a rabbit hole.  Turns out, this one got deep REALLY fast.

So, picture it.  I'm minding my own business eating my lunch at a local park when I witnessed a Guy wearing what I though was an innocuous T-shirt.  

Cue Old Lady who approaches Guy and starts screeching at Guy at how offended she was with his T-shirt.  You know, looking back on it, I don't think she really said anything - it was just the tone of the screech that got me.  A mix of cat drowning in a burlap bag and Baba Yaga on a mid-night run.

Anyway, she really didn't like what Guy was wearing and screeched until her voice gave out....which about the time she got physical and tried to tear Guy's shirt off.

Well, I'm guessing that's what she was trying to do.  

Anyway, good thing there was a cop in the area to help de-escalate things before things got too crazy. 

This all brought to my mind what some of the things politicians on the left are doing or have been doing to rile up their constiuents.  Specifically, playing the victim whilst complaining about what the Right side of the isle is doing (i.e. Republicans).

So, before we get too far into this, let's cook up some definitions.  

As you'll note, we have two words/concepts that we're dealing with this month (and it's important to note the differences).  Actually, there are 4 terms here which I'll define in sequence and show their importance as it relates to both the political and judicial environments in which we now live.

A GRIEVANCE is a specific complaint about something perceived as unfair, harmful, or unjust.  A grievance mentality is a persistent way of seeing oneself or one’s group as having been treated unfairly and staying focused on that injustice, often with a mix of resentment, moral outrage, and a desire for payback rather than resolution. It becomes a stable lens: new events are interpreted as further proof that “they are against me/us,” and positive or neutral information is discounted.

Key traits of a grievance mentality:

  • Situational and contextual (“X happened that was unfair”)

  • Can motivate action, advocacy, or problem-solving

  • Does not define the person’s identity

  • Can be verified or addressed

Example:

  • A person believes a company denied them a promotion unfairly and formally files a complaint or seeks mediation.

In contrast, a VICTIM is a person who suffers harm, loss, or injury as a result of someone else’s actions, negligence, or circumstances beyond their control (whether actual or presumed). Where a victim is someone who has genuinely suffered harm, a victim mentality is a psychological pattern in which a person perceives themselves as perpetually wronged, whether or not actual harm exists, and interprets all challenges as personal injury.

Victim claims are persuasive because they tap into automatic emotional, moral, and group-based processes in the brain that evolved to respond quickly to threats and unfairness. They also exploit common persuasion dynamics: trust in the speaker, vivid emotional stories, and repetition. 

Key traits of a victim mentality:

  • Persistent external blame: Others or systems are always at fault

  • Powerlessness: Belief that one cannot meaningfully influence outcomes

  • Identity fusion: Being a victim becomes a core part of self-concept

  • Resistance to solutions: Any advice, compromise, or effort is dismissed

  • Moral leverage: Suffering is used to claim authority or righteousness

Example:

  • That same employee now believes all promotions are rigged, everyone is out to get them, and any attempt to fix things is hopeless. They may never try again, instead framing all setbacks as proof of universal injustice.

In politics, these mentalities shows up as:

  • Constant outrage over opposition actions, even minor ones.

  • Treating all criticism as illegitimate or harmful.

  • Framing your party, ideology, or movement as systematically under attack, with little acknowledgment of agency or responsibility.

A grievance mentality is built around three psychological core beliefs which are narrower, more situation than a victim mentality but still reality-anchored.  The three core beliefs of a grievance mentality are:

  1. Something specific happened that was unfair or wrong.

  2. Responsibility for this wrong is limited and identifiable.

  3. Redress should be proportional and rule-based.

A grievance mentality still allows evidence to matter, intent to matter, proportionality to matter, and self-reflection to occur.

It says:

“This was wrong, and it should be addressed.”

—not—

“I am wronged, therefore I am right about everything.”

From a legal perspective, a grievance mentality says: “That law unfairly limits voting in my district — let’s challenge it through courts or advocacy.” 

A victim mentality, on the other hand, causes people to interpret the world through a lens of permanent threat and moral innocence, which turns neutral actions into attacks, disagreement into evil, and ultimately makes aggression feel like justified self-defense rather than wrongdoing. 

A victim mentality isn’t just “feeling wronged,” it’s a stable identity built around three beliefs:

  1. I am fundamentally innocent / morally superior.

  2. Others are agents of harm (even when neutral).

  3. My suffering justifies my reactions.

Once those beliefs lock in, the person’s brain stops asking “What is actually happening?” and starts asking “How is this happening to me?”

Essentially, the person's perception shifts to themselves as the victim for everything around them allowing them to then blame everyone (else) and not take any blame themselves for anything they do.

From a legal perspective, a victim mentality says: “The system is rigged, nothing we do matters, and anyone who disagrees with us is part of the oppression. 

Looking back at Baba Yaga in the park, what are some behaviors that were exhibited indicating a victim mentality?

 

As I was looking all this, I got to wonder at what point does a grievance twist into a victim mentality? 


You know, I can't help but feel that Maxine Waters is partly responsible for people like this.  Back in 2018, she actually encouraged people to out and out attack persons who did not believe as they do/did saying, "If you see anybody in a restaurant, in a department store, at a gasoline station, you get out and you create a crowd. And you push back on them. And you tell them they're not welcome anymore, anywhere...protest and harass them..."

Really?  Harass people into doing what you want?  What a boring world it would be if everyone did and thought the same thing.

The thing is, once someone sees themselves as a victim in principle, they feel entitled to break norms, justified in punishing others, and are immune from moral scrutiny.

In psychology, this is called moral licensing.  Essentially, what a person is saying in such a situation is:

“Because I am harmed (whether or not they actually were), I am allowed to harm.”

That’s how aggression becomes “self-defense,” harassment becomes “accountability,” and violence becomes “justice.”

A victim mentality can manifest in public by treating symbolic opposition as real harm. The pattern is recognizable:

Perceived offense → personal moral obligation → confrontation or shaming → justification through self/identity as victim.

You know, I seem to recall a few times over the last couple of years where politicians have lashed out pushing a victim rhetoric, to wit:

Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co., 556 U.S. 868 (2009).

A West Virginia Supreme Court justice refused to recuse himself from a case involving a company whose CEO had spent millions supporting his election. The Supreme Court of the United States held that due process required recusal because of a serious risk of bias.

While the judge's actions wasn’t out and out called a “victim mentality,” it shows how perceived alignment or favoritism can undermine judicial neutrality.

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on the Jan. 6 Capitol attack

Quote/Context:
After the January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez described fearing for her life and equated calls to “move on” with minimizing harm. She said those urging others to forget the event were using “the same tactics of abusers,” and connected her emotional response to her experience as a survivor of abuse.

Interpretation:
Critics have interpreted this as invoking personal victimhood and psychological harm to frame political opponents’ disagreement or pushback as abusive — a victim-framed narrative rather than simply political disagreement.

Democrats in Congress blaming Republicans for political violence

Quote/Context:
After the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk in 2025, Rep. Seth Moulton (D-MA) accused Republicans and right-wing rhetoric of being chiefly responsible for politically motivated violence in America: “Let’s be serious… extremist murders 76% are from right wing extremists.” He emphasized that while left-wing extremists are also condemned, the responsibility lies primarily with the other side.

Interpretation:
Here Democratic criticism shifts from condemning violence to blaming the opposing party’s rhetoric for harm to themselves and others. Some view this as presenting themselves and their allies as victims of polarizing rhetoric rather than focusing solely on broader solutions.

House Democrats calling GOP investigations politically motivated

Quote/Context:
Democrats on the House Oversight Committee labeled a Republican-led investigation into D.C. policing as a “political stunt” and “biased,” rejecting the legitimacy of the probe and framing the effort as aimed improperly at local leaders rather than based on evidence.

Interpretation:
Framing the investigation as biased and harmful can, for critics, signal a narrative of being targeted and unjustly treated — even when the investigative topic itself is not inherently about personal harm.

AOC’s emotional recounting of Capitol events as trauma

Quote/Context:
In televised or social media posts, Ocasio-Cortez described the Capitol attack as traumatizing and recounted saying “I woke up and I thought I was dying” while sheltering during the siege. She has invoked trauma language when discussing the event and Republicans’ role.

Interpretation:
While describing trauma is valid, critics have at times argued that linking it rhetorically to political opposition blurs personal threat experiences with political messaging — potentially encouraging narratives that the entire political context is an ongoing attack on them.

The problem with all this mud-slinging and victim mentalizing is that it always spills over into real life, encouraging people to act out and become victims themselves.  Dang but the courts are full of people who took what their favorite politicians have said and chose to become political victims.


Cody Balmer — attempted arson/murder of a governor’s residence (Pennsylvania)

What happened:
In April 2025, Cody Balmer pleaded guilty to attempting to murder Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro by throwing gasoline‑filled bottles at the governor’s mansion while Shapiro and his family were inside. 

Prosecutors described the attack as politically motivated, linked to Balmer’s grievances around political issues, including the war in Gaza and his hatred for Shapiro’s policies. Balmer was sentenced to 25–50 years in prison on multiple charges, including terrorism, arson, reckless endangerment, and aggravated assault.

Why it’s relevant:
Balmer believed his ideological/political grievances justified an attempt on a political opponent’s life — and the court convicted him accordingly.

2025 Minnesota Legislators Shooting (Vance Luther Boelter)

What happened:
In June 2025, Vance Luther Boelter was arrested and charged after a shooting attack that killed former Minnesota House Speaker Melissa Hortman and her husband, and severely wounded others. Investigators found he had a hit list of ~70 political figures and expressed hatred against Democratic lawmakers, with motivation tied to political ideology.

Why it’s relevant:
This is a clear case where political grievances fueled targeted violence against public officials. It was widely condemned and charged as politically motivated murder.

Riley Jane English — Arrest on Mall with Weapons

What happened:
In January 2025, Riley Jane English, 24, was arrested on the National Mall carrying a folding knife and Molotov cocktails with stated intent to kill high‑level U.S. officials she described with political epithets (e.g., calling one a “Nazi”). Federal authorities arrested her before any attack occurred.

Why it’s relevant:
Although she hadn’t harmed anyone yet, English explicitly connected political beliefs and threats of violence — illustrating how grievance and perceived ideology can lead people to arm themselves for political reasons.

2025 Texas ICE Facility Shooting (Antifa‑linked suspects)

What happened:
In the summer of 2025, authorities charged 11 people after a violent attack on a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention facility in Alvarado, Texas, involving gunfire and other violent conduct. Prosecutors described the group as tied to left‑wing activist circles and intent on opposing immigration enforcement by force.

Why it’s relevant:
Participants claimed political beliefs (opposition to immigration policy and law enforcement) motivated their actions. This case became controversial over how much political grievance justified the violence in prosecutors’ eyes.

Solomon Peña’s Shooting Campaign (New Mexico)

What happened:
In 2022–23, Solomon Peña, a failed political candidate in New Mexico, allegedly retaliated after losing election by recruiting others to fire shots into the homes of Democratic officials. No injuries were reported, but the attacks were violent and politically motivated.

Why it’s relevant:
This shows a progression from grievance (losing an election) to violent acts directed at specific political opponents.

Killings of Aaron Danielson and Michael Reinoehl (Portland, 2020)

What happened:
During the protests in Portland in 2020, Michael Reinoehl, a far‑left activist, shot and killed Aaron Danielson, a supporter of a right‑wing group, claiming self‑defense. Reinoehl told media he acted because he believed Danielson posed a threat.

Why it’s relevant:
Although self‑defense was legally contentious, the motive was rooted in believing the political environment made violence necessary — a fusion of grievance and worldview that led to lethal harm.

So, what do these cases all have in common?  Across these examples, the pattern is:

  1. Perceived grievance or threat (political, social, ideological)

  2. Internal belief that traditional channels are inadequate

  3. Action taken — often violent — supposedly to counter that perceived threat

  4. Legal consequences where courts treat violence as a crime regardless of motive

What is important to note is that in most legal systems (including the United States), perceived political grievances do not legally justify violence. The law generally holds that a subjective belief you are a victim of political circumstances does not provide moral or legal license to harm others.

What this leads to (or, at least leads me to) is how important it is for politicians to curb their rhetoric.  Yeah, yeah, I realize the reason politicians spout what the spout is to get people worked up.  However, and I suspect the bottom line to all this is that people should ignore 99% of what media and politicians say and take the other 1% with a grain of salt.

If that doesn't work, then maybe go to a park and yell at the squirrels.  They don't care what you say and they're probably laughing at us, anyway.